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Mexico?s Difficult Path of Nation-Building, 2002.
A discussion of the political and social problems Mexico faced in the early 19th century.
2,225 words (approx. 8.9 pages), 6 sources, MLA, AU$ 100.95
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Abstract
This paper accounts for the problems that afflicted the new central American state, Mexico, during its first half-century of existence. This paper argues that the underlying problem was the absence of a shared political-constitutional vision within the country?s creole elite. It further explains that what the new state needed to realize its potential was a period of sustained peace accompanied by the implementation of a consistent political-constitutional vision. From the point of view of nation building, it was not important whether the vision of the nation was liberal or conservative.
From the Paper
"Although the constitutional settings to enable the new state to function smoothly had been laid down by the federalist constitution of 1824, during the first few decades after independence the elite grew increasingly divided over matters of political direction. A division manifested itself between liberals and conservatives. However, neither side ever remained in power long enough to impose its particular vision of political order upon Mexican society. Historically, dangerous divisions of this kind have been resolved or suppressed by a stable period of authoritarian, ?strong man? rule. A peculiarity of the Mexican situation was that Mexico?s greatest strong man in this period, General Santa Anna, did not use his power and popularity to create a consensus in favor of either liberalism or conservatism. Without elite consensus on constitutional fundamentals, however, there was not the least chance of successfully incorporating the Indians into the new order. The ?caste war? of Yucatan was the most dramatic outcome of the Mexican elite?s inability to establish an elementary consensus about the principles and character of the new republic."
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Mexico-U.S. Water Dispute, 2004.
An examination of the Mexico-U.S. water dispute that has affected farmers on both sides of the border.
1,203 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 4 sources, MLA, AU$ 60.95
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Abstract
The Mexican-U.S. dispute over water shortages in the Rio Grande has its roots in Mexico's failure to abide by a 1944 water treaty. As a result, U.S. farmers on the American side of the Rio Grande have been strongly impacted, with many losing their businesses, and the area's agricultural industry has been severely damaged by the water shortage. This paper discusses how the U.S. government has been accused of dragging its feet on the issue and how Mexico has remained largely defiant of its action. It suggests that the solution to this issue may lie in stricter enforcement and the creation of new international laws involving the use of shared water resources, as well as beefing up water conservation on both sides of the border.
From the Paper
"In recent years, Mexico and the United States have clashed over water shortages on either side of the Rio Grande River in South Texas. Mexico's failure to abide by a 1944 water treaty since 1992 has severely damaged U.S. agriculture. While Mexico seems largely unrepentant and unwilling to release water to the U.S., U.S. officials have been accused of ignoring the issue in the wake of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). While steps are being made to address the issue, including water conservation and the release of some water owed to the U.S., much remains to be done to solve the shortage. Changes to international law involving the use of shared water resources may provide some long-term relief while the creation of more water conservation measures will likely help alleviate the shortage in the short-term."
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The U.S. and Mexico, 2002.
This paper explores the current realationship between the United States and Mexico, focusing on the role of NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement).
1,340 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 2 sources, AU$ 65.95
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Abstract
The paper begins by presenting a synopsis of U.S./Mexico relations, focusing on the two major issues of trade and immigration. It then turns to the NAFTA organization, claiming that its main goals were intended to be the bolstering of the Mexican economy by creating more manufacturing jobs south of the border, and the opening up of trade from the US to Mexico. The paper studies the beneficial effect of NAFTA on the U.S., Canada and Mexico; looking, in particular, at U.S. import crops. The paper explores the viewpoint of opponents of NAFTA as well as U.S. public opinion about the agreement. The issue of fluidity of the U.S./ Mexican border is discussed as is the impact of 9/11 on the Americans? feelings about border control. The paper concludes with a discussion on the Mexican image of Bush with and recommendations on what the president can do to enhance U.S. relations with Mexico.
From the Paper
"At present, although the United States and Mexico are embraced in an atmosphere of cooperation that is unprecedented, there are still potential areas of conflict that could chill relations between the two countries if they are not handled with great diplomacy. The tricky part here for President Bush, Mexican President Fox and other leaders is that these issues are more about perception than they are based on reality. The two major issues that come up the most are directly related to one another. These two issues, trade and immigration also touch on other politically sensitive issues which include environmental concerns, worker conditions, economic parity, political freedom, and governmental control."
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"So Far From God: The U.S. War with Mexico, 1846-1848", 2004.
An analysis of this book by John S. D. Eisenhower.
1,200 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 1 source, APA, AU$ 60.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the two-year U.S-Mexico War within the context of Eisenhower's history book, "So Far From God: The U.S. War with Mexico, 1846-1848". The paper examines the origins of the war, how it was perceived by the common American, and the cost of the war. The paper concludes with a summary of the pros and cons of the book.
From the Paper
"At the start of the war, in 1846, Mexico was a weak nation, made vulnerable by close to three hundred years of "autocratic Spanish rule" and by its own brutal war of independence. Mexico was a disorganized and corrupt country, and this created a "power vacuum" (xx) that was going to be taken advantage of by "some predator - if not the United States, then Britain," possibly France of even Russia. The stage for war was set when Santa Anna, angry that Sam Houston and other Americans were attacking Mexican army troops, marched into what is now Texas with six thousand men in January 1836. In March, 1836, Santa Anna's soldiers slaughtered all U.S. troops in The Alamo - and a few days later went further by massacring ("executing") 350 prisoners at Golidad (14)."
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The U.S.-Mexico Border, 2005.
Examines immigration issues on the United States' Mexico border.
675 words (approx. 2.7 pages), 3 sources, AU$ 38.95
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Abstract
This paper examines immigration issues as they pertain to the U.S.'s Mexico border. It is evident that throughout its history the United States has experienced continuous immigration, as American political freedom, religious tolerance, economic opportunities, and huge geographical size have combined to draw millions of people from all around the world to America in hopes of building better lives for themselves and their children.
From the Paper
"In analyzing immigration issues as they pertain to the U.S.-Mexico border, it is evident that throughout its history, the United States has experienced continuous immigration, for American political freedoms, religious tolerance, economic opportunities, and huge geographical size have combined to draw millions of people from all around the world to America in hopes of building better lives for themselves and their children. Over the years, the pace of immigration has waxed and waned depending upon political, religious, and economic conditions, but emigration from Mexico to the United States has remained steady, both in terms of legal and illegal immigrants."
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The League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper discusses the participation of the U.S. in the League of Nations and the United Nations as an element of the American national interest.
1,730 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 15 sources, APA, AU$ 80.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, although the U. S. failed to support the League of Nations, America supported the United Nations because the supreme national interest of America was to obtain a world atmosphere in which the United States could grow its inner social values devoid of undue commotion or danger from the outside. The author points out that collective action via the United Nations instead of unilateral action was considered politically viable on key political issues. The paper concludes that the League of Nations and the United Nations disappointed hopes the following the two world wars because, in no way, can they be an autonomous political power; at best, the U.N. is a mirror image of the opposing interest of autonomous states.
Table of Contents
Introduction
America's Rejection to Support the League of Nations
The Historical Background
The Fundamental Principals that Lead to the Rejection of the League of Nations
America's Support for the United Nations
Using United Nations to Achieve the Goals of American Foreign Policy
The Fundamental Goal of Military Security
The Fundamental Goal of Political Security:
The Fundamental Goal of Stability and Welfare
The Fundamental Goal of World Order
Conclusion
From the Paper
"In the United States of America the major disagreement on both the groundwork venture and the refined Covenant of the League of Nations had been on the base that the League would function as an intrusion with the sovereignty of America and with the Monroe principle, that it concerned desertion of the traditional American policy, which had not been in favor of entrapped coalitions, and that the government did not have the power, within its Constitution, to insert such an agreement . Independence has revealed to be just so much freedom of action on the behalf of countries as is coherent with their responsibility, within international law and principles, to authorize the application of uniform independence or freedom of action by their sister countries. The League agreement had assured all States in their application of this sovereignty free from coercion by other Countries, and he who desires more is actually in search of the authorization thoughtlessly to ignore these commitments -- to refuse, for instance, the fair rulings of a properly established tribunal -- which is the German perception of independence."
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Nationalism and the Founding of Nations, 2007.
A discussion of whether it is nationalism which engenders nations or the opposite.
1,990 words (approx. 8.0 pages), 14 sources, APA, AU$ 91.95
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Abstract
This paper argues the case in favor of the stance that nationalism engenders nations, and not the other way around. The paper points out that there has yet to be any real consensus reached among historians regarding this question. It asserts that a large proportion of this debate relies on the context in which the argument is made, i.e. the time-frame and historical references used. Furthermore, definitions of the terms "nationalism" and "nation" vary from one source to another. The paper attempts to define these key terms. The interaction between nations and nationalism is analyzed using the nationalist movement of eighteenth and nineteenth century Germany as a reference point. The paper concludes that analyzing the origins of the nationalist movement illustrates how nationalism preceded the nation.
From the Paper
"It has already been said that a nation is not something overly definitive, so how can we justify its existence? It is generally accepted that any nation of people exists because that certain group of people have something or some things in common; race, language, culture, history etc. But it is inadequate to define a nation by describing it as an entity in which all individuals share common characteristics, because there will always be exceptions to the rule. Yet, if we try to define a nation using only a single rule, e.g. the necessity of a shared culture, then we narrow it down to too fine a focus, and potentially exclude a large number of people who identify themselves as being part of that nation. Renan, for example, championed heritage and the shared "heroic past" of a people as the only required component of a nation."
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Nation - Nation State, 2002.
Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 6 sources, MLA, AU$ 83.95
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Abstract
Even though these concepts seem very similar, this paper uses contemporary examples to show the difference between a nation and a nation-state. It discusses the history of Zionism, the "Nation of Islam" quest by African-Americans, and the ongoing wars in the Balkans. It also looks at different factors taken into account when defining these concepts - religion, history and culture.
From the Paper
"Defining the difference between a nation and a nation-state can seem more like a bit of philosophical hair-splitting than a useful distinction for a political scientist to make in analyzing the present global situation. However, to better understand the assumptions that underline the terms of ?nation? and ?nation state? it is useful to unpack such concepts before passing judgement on what is a nation or a nation state in the real world of lived political existence."
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League of Nations and the United Nations, 2005.
This paper compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations.
1,125 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 4 sources, AU$ 57.95
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Abstract
In this article, the writer compares and contrasts the League of Nations and the United Nations as international organizations formed to maintain peace and international cooperation. The writer discusses the League's role in reducing international tensions and its limited effectiveness. Further, the writer discusses the complexity of the United Nations as an organization.
From the Paper
Inis L. Claude stated that 'One World' is in some respects an idea land an aspiration born of modern interpretations of ancient moral thoughts and of rational estimates of the requirements for human survival. Both the League of Nations and its successor the United Nations were created as international organizations with a vested interest in maintaining the peace, preventing war, creating a mechanism or set of mechanisms for international cooperation and diplomacy and otherwise serving as trustees of ... "
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Nationalism and the Modern Nation State, 2004.
A comparison of Umut Ozkirimli?s work, entitled "Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction" and Stuart J. Kaufman?s "Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War".
842 words (approx. 3.4 pages), 2 sources, MLA, AU$ 42.95
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Abstract
This paper examines these two writers' views on nationality and concludes that, although Kaufman is more inclined to speak of ?hatreds? rather than ethnic identities, Kaufman also, like Ozkirimli, stresses the importance of understanding the emotional significance of ethnic and national identity when constructing a nation state, rather than the idea that ethnicity exists as a linear, enclosed historical trope within definable and easily recognizable boundaries;ethnicity is ?felt,? rather than historically in evidence, for both authors.
From the Paper
"The overview present in Umut Ozkirimli?s analysis is a warning not to dismiss the importance of nationalism, and also a caution not to accept certain groups? claims to nationhood wholesale and at their face value, as the concept of what constitutes ethnicity shifts and changes, depending on individual?s particular political alliances in a particular historical context. Ozkirimili?s work has a far more dispassionate tone, in contrast, to Stuart J. Kaufman?s Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War. Kaufman?s work, in contrast to Ozkirimli, is more stridently prescriptive in nature. However, Kaufman is also more rigorous in his use of international political theoretical frameworks to justify his suggestions to policymakers."
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Quebec Nationalism vs. Canadian Nationalism, 2006.
A discussion on why nationalism is stronger in Quebec than it is in the rest of Canada.
2,250 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 10 sources, AU$ 128.95
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Abstract
It is very clear that nationalism is stronger in Quebec than it is in the rest of Canada. While Quebec remains a province of federal Canada, the question of seceding from Canada and becoming an independent country is never far from the agenda of most politicians in Quebec, and generates immense patriotic fervor throughout Quebec. This factor makes Quebec entirely different from other Canadian provinces. For example, we never hear talk of British Columbia seceding from Canada and becoming the Republic of British Columbia. In order to understand this peculiar situation, this paper investigates Canada's past and, specifically, the history of Quebec with Canada.
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Two Nations Within a Nation, 2002.
A justification for slavery.
900 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 6 sources, AU$ 51.95
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Abstract
This paper argues that slavery was good for blacks. The author explains that the moral justification to slavery used by Southerners was that there was an inherent 'inferiority' in dark-skinned peoples. This meant that 'superior' races had a legitimate right to control them as they saw fit.
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National Federal Reserve for the U.S. Army, 2006.
Examines the history of the formation of a national federal reserve for the U.S. Army.
2,330 words (approx. 9.3 pages), 12 sources, APA, AU$ 103.95
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Abstract
The formation of a national federal reserve for the U.S. Army was a slow process; it took many events and a few wars to establish and develop the U.S. Army Reserves as we know it today. This paper examines events from the Spanish American War of 1898, which led to the Dick Act of 1903, and two World Wars, and shows how the Army Reserve has been shaped and molded into an enduring legacy of military power.
Paper Outline:
Introduction
War with Mexico
The First American War
Reconstruction and Industrialization
Military Reform
The First World War
Between the Wars
Preparing to Fight
World War II
The Korean War
The Turbulent 60's
The "Total Force" Goes to War
From the Paper
"The first call for this new Army Reserve came in 1916 as a result of tensions between the United States and Mexico. The National Defense Act of 1916 established the Officers Reserve Corps, the Enlisted Reserve Corps and the Reserve Officers Training Corps. One year later in 1917, the initial Reserve organization, the Medical Reserve Corps merged into the Officers Reserve Corps. On April 6, 1917, America entered World War I. By the end of June 1917, there were 21,543 officer reservists and 35,000 enlisted reservists. Obviously, the contribution of the Reservists cannot be overstated. "
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Legal Migration from Mexico, 2005.
A discussion of the pros and cons of allowing legal migration from Mexico into the United States.
1,654 words (approx. 6.6 pages), 7 sources, MLA, AU$ 77.95
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Abstract
This paper introduces, discusses, and analyzes the topic of legal migration. Specifically, it discusses the benefits of allowing legal migration from Mexico to the U.S. and the damaging effects of not allowing legal migration. In addition, it analyzes the problems and dangers that have come from the increased border patrols. Allowing more legal migration from Mexico into the United States is a controversial issue that has been addressed by many, but never acted upon. The writer points out that the flow of illegal immigrants from Mexico into the U.S. takes its toll in many forms; allowing more legal immigrants to enter the U.S. would solve many problems, including death in the deserts, smugglers trafficking in human lives, and reuniting families separated by time and borders. It argues that legal immigration from Mexico must be addressed and increased for the benefit of so many Mexican citizens who want to better their lives.
From the Paper
"The history of legal and illegal immigration into the country from Mexico has not always been fraught with problems. In the 1940s, the "bracero" program allowed Mexican farm workers to immigrate to the United States to work primarily in the farmlands of California and Texas. The program was temporary, and allowed workers to come into the country because of a labor shortage in the US caused by World War II. It continued rather sporadically until 1964, when the US ended the program, feeling it artificially lowered the wages for American farm workers. When the program ended, the Border Patrol, the enforcement division of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), (now called the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, USCIS), apprehended perhaps 42,000 illegal workers attempting to enter the country along the Mexican border. By 1974, that number had skyrocketed to at least 710,000 illegal immigrants apprehended attempting to enter the country, and in 1986, the peak year, 1.7 million people were apprehended. Today, at least 1,000,000 workers are apprehended each year (Borjas and Fisher 626). In 1986, President Reagan and the Congress enacted the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), a form of amnesty that allowed many illegal aliens already in the country to remain in the country legally. It also created many sanctions against employers who hire illegal aliens."
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Mexico and NAFTA, 2002.
A discussion of the effects of NAFTA on Mexican foreign trade.
1,172 words (approx. 4.7 pages), 7 sources, MLA, AU$ 58.95
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Abstract
This paper examines how the North American Free Trade Agreement was put together in 1993 and provides agreed upon resolutions for its members when it comes to free trade boundaries and rules. It shows how NAFTA had a positive impact on Mexico?s free trade industry because it strengthened an already strong relationship between the United States and Mexico. It looks at how NAFTA has allowed Mexico to increase in stature among world nations and how it has assisted in strengthening local Mexican economies, as well by providing more jobs as increased product and service continues. It also examines how it has boosted Mexico?s trade business with Canada as well.
From the Paper
"Because Mexico and the United States have the largest mutual trade relationship in the world the economic success of those in NAFTA becomes very important. Research and history points to a continued strengthening of the relationship shared because of NAFTA not only between Mexico and the US but Mexico and Canada as well. It is obviously helpful for the US and Mexico to trade through NAFTA because of their close boundaries but the Canadian-Mexico trade business is stronger than it has ever been according to the numbers and the NAFTA created the stage for that to happen. The trade with Canada and Mexico has increased more than eight billion over the last eight years."
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Mexico And The United States, 2004.
Reviews an article on cross-border relations between the U.S. and Mexico.
1,130 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 3 sources, APA, AU$ 57.95
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Abstract
This paper reviews an article on cross-border political and economic relations between the U.S. and Mexico. The paper discusses the advantages to the Mexican economy of Mexican immigration to the United States as well as the impact of the growing Mexican-American population on American society.
From the Paper
"Maria Rosa Garcia-Acevedo, in an article titled "Politics Across Borders: Mexico's Policies Toward Mexicans in the United States" makes several important points regarding the relationships between Mexican government policies and the interactions between Mexico and the U.S." Specifically, Garcia-Acevedo suggests that it is vital to recognize that the so-called Mexican diaspora which has resulted in the presence of millions of Mexicans legally and illegally in the U S has resulted in a necessary and vital influx of some U S billion..."
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