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The Ideal City and Democracy, 2002.
A study of what an ideal city would look like according to Peter Kropotkin, Dolores Hayden, and Charles Fourier.
2,774 words (approx. 11.1 pages), 3 sources, APA, AU$ 120.95
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Abstract
This paper examines every aspect of city life - social, economic, political - in the ideal world. What would that city look like viewed through the eyes of champions of democracy and equality? The three philosophers' views are presented and analyzed.
From the Paper
"The city is the center of human social, economic, cultural, and political activity. The grand city has all the museums, all the shops, all the restaurants, the best roads, and an efficient government. Unfortunately, democracy is often left out of the equation. The ideal city, on the other hand, embodies direct democracy and empowers its inhabitants to do democracy. When it comes to the ideal city, Peter Kropotkin, Dolores Hayden, and Charles Fourier all approach it from different angles, resulting in different visions. But they all have the same theme in mind - democracy."
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Democracy and the Libertarian Ideal of Self-Ownership, 2002.
This is an argument for the libertarian conception of self-ownership as the foundation for democracy, as opposed to other values such as republican non-domination and deliberative democracy, with treatment of empirical work on the phenomenon of voter igno
4,060 words (approx. 16.2 pages), 4 sources, APA, AU$ 159.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at the notion of western democracy, and how by its very definition, impinges on our everyday lives. The author defines democracy, and looks at what democracy was intended to be, and how, as government expanded, and its influence expanded that democracy has had the opposite affect, and is not limiting our freedoms. The author also suggest ways in which we can regain the benefits that democracy was designed to provide.
From the Paper
"Indeed, if we did otherwise, we would be treating people not as full members of the community among equals, but as sheep unto a shepherd, or a child unto a parent. While such relationships are certainly appropriate between the incompetent and the competent, they can hardly be countenanced for the competent, who are entitled to their own private sphere in which they can determine the meaning of their experiences and define their own ends. After all, since people are different, and even individuals change through time, no one can better know his own conception of the good and his unique set of ends better than the individual himself. The state, far removed from the individual, is in no position to make that determination, and therefore, must be neutral to conceptions of the good. The state's disallowing one to choose for himself the sort of life he leads is, in fact, a principal criterion by which we can judge its goodness."
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"Democracy?s Discontent" vs. "Democracy in America", 2003.
A comparison of Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America" and Michael J. Sandel's "Democracy?s Discontent".
3,845 words (approx. 15.4 pages), 2 sources, MLA, AU$ 153.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how Alexis de Tocqueville in "Democracy in America" and Michael J. Sandel in "Democracy?s Discontent" both address issues of democracy, freedom, the role of government, and the good citizen. It looks at how their viewpoints differ because they write at different times of history. De Tocqueville writes at a time when democracy is a novel ideal. Aristocracy has been the main form of government, and this, therefore, plays a major role in his writing. Sandel, on the other hand, deals with contemporary issues such as the global community and the implications of new technology and diminishing boundaries among people.
From the Paper
"De Tocqueville stresses the importance of civil equality in the achievement of true democracy. This equality implies the lack of divisions and barriers between social classes. This is the equality that he sees in American culture as opposed to European culture that still subscribes to the aristocratic means of government. The democratic ideal implies more freedom than would be possible with an aristocratic government: ?Let us suppose that all the people take a part in the government, and that each one of them has an equal right to take a part in it. As no one is different from his fellows, none can exercise a tyrannical power; men will be perfectly free because they are all entirely equal??(De Tocqueville, Book II, Chapter I)."
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A Comparison of Modern Democracy and Classical Athenian Democracy, 2002.
Compares modern constitutional democracies and the democracy of classical Athens.
914 words (approx. 3.7 pages), 3 sources, MLA, AU$ 47.95
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Abstract
Discusses the major differences between Athenian democracy and modern democracy. Differences include voting and citizenship rights, gender and background bias in the Athenian social and economic system, the type of representation that each society offered and the 'participation factor' in Athens.
From the Paper
"There are several significant differences between modern constitutional democracies and the democracy of classical Athens. Even though the classical Athenian democracy was a major step forward in political thought, at its height there were still many areas in which it was decidedly unlike any democracy existing today. These differences fall into three major categories: differences in who could vote, in the type of representation, and in the overall participation factor.
One major and clearly recognizable difference is that in the Athenian democracy there was only a certain selected element of the population that was allowed to vote. This difference in voting behavior stems from the fact that the Athenian social and economic system was supportive of the suppression of groups of people according to gender and background in ways that are not acceptable in today?s western cultures.
For example, women were not given full rights of citizenship. They were also socially and economically kept in a subservient role to men. Women?s function was seen as primarily that of propagation and managing a household. Women were not allowed access to the marketplace of ideas that was so important to the Athenians.
These conditions set up an interactive cycle between the social and political institutions; since women were regarded as inferior and not deserving of full citizenship, they were not allowed to vote. However, without the ability to vote, it was very unlikely that any of these restrictions would be modified or lifted. The role of women in Greek society was too firmly entrenched to be easily changed."
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A Comparison of Modern Democracy and Classical Athenian Democracy, 2002.
This paper looks at several significant differences between modern constitutional democracies and the democracy of classical Athens.
864 words (approx. 3.5 pages), 3 sources, MLA, AU$ 44.95
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Abstract
The writer shows that even though the classical Athenian democracy was a major step forward in political thought, at its height there were still many areas in which it was decidedly unlike any democracy existing today. The paper divides these differences into three major categories: differences in who could vote, in the type of representation, and in the overall participation factor.
From the Paper
"One major and clearly recognizable difference is that in the Athenian democracy there was only a certain selected element of the population that was allowed to vote. This difference in voting behavior stems from the fact that the Athenian social and economic system was supportive of the suppression of groups of people according to gender and background in ways that are not acceptable in today?s western cultures."
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Democracy and the U.S. Constitution: A Discussion of the Successes and Failures of the Founding Fathers in making an Obtainable Democracy, 2000.
After discussing the successes and failures of the founding fathers, the author of the paper concludes that they mostly did a good job, but disputes that America now has a pure democracy.
1,360 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 2 sources, AU$ 66.95
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From the Paper
" A perfect democracy would be a democracy where everyone- the poor, the rich, the weak, the strong- get to have a say in what the government does. Wherein the supreme power ultimately rests with the people. However, this is not reality. Instead, representative democracy can be defined in two ways: the responsible model and the popular model. In the popular model, ordinary people have a great deal of freedom and ability to participate actively in government. In this type, elections express the popular will and determine policies. Examples of this model include the House of Representatives, the Virginia Plan, and citizen initiatives. In the responsible model, citizens play a more passive role. Government officials have a great deal of freedom to act on the behalf of the country as a whole. Elections here, grant popular consent and determine leaders. Examples of this model are the Senate, the New Jersey Plan, and the Supreme Court. Although the people of the United States live in a democracy that has both popular and responsible elements, democracy here has always been more denoted by the popular model. "
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Local Elections in the City of York, U.K., 2004.
This paper discusses that the reasons why the City of York, U.K., like many cities in Western democracies, is experiencing the problem of low voter turnout in elections.
2,425 words (approx. 9.7 pages), 2 sources, APA, AU$ 108.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, in a democracy, when so few people turn out for an election, it denies legitimacy to the government that is elected and often results in a government that is not answerable to the people because that government was only elected by a small percentage of the people. The author points out three main reasons for the small voter local election: the United Kingdom's use of the First Past the Post system for local elections; the age of the voters; and the proximity of the voters to the polling places. The paper relates that most European nations now use a proportional system for national and local elections, making the United Kingdom's use of the First Past the Post system for local elections somewhat of a relic.
From the Paper
"However, there is still a third variable which must be considered in this problem. The vicinity of the voters to the polling places has been found to have a bearing on how many people participate in the local elections. In areas in which residents live less than five minutes away from the polling place for a local election, voter turnout has been found to be very high, almost sixty-five percent in some cases. However, in areas in which voters lived more than five minutes away from their polling places, voter turnout dropped astoundingly to around thirty-five percent. This indicates that voters want convenience in their polling places, probably because people today lead such busy lives that it is difficult for them to take much time out of their day to go and vote in a local election."
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Benjamin Barber's "Strong Democracy", 2005.
This paper discusses Benjamin Barber's views on "thin democracy" and "strong democracy" as expresses in his book "Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age".
1,050 words (approx. 4.2 pages), 1 source, MLA, AU$ 53.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Benjamin Barber in his book "Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age" defines 'thin democracy" as a democracy in which leaders are elected but they are left to their own devices concerning the majority of issues; people have the powers, which democracy provides, but the demonstration of these powers is primarily manifested in the form of elections. The author points out that Barber is convincing in making his point that "thin democracy" has a tendency to strip citizens of their sense of purpose as manifested by the voter participation rate stagnating in the U.S. at about half of those eligible. The paper stress that Barber loves the thought of a "strong democracy" in which it is not the leaders who make a democracy great but rather an active, informed citizenry.
From the Paper
""Thin democracy" takes the stance that average citizens are not interested in political matters and are not capable or adequate enough to directly participate in the political process themselves, beyond electing officials. Benjamin Barber feels that the United States democracy is thin and poorly represents the entire population at large. Significant portions of citizens are unable to vote due to restrictions or simply choose to be complacent and abstain from voting. Citizens under the age of eighteen are restricted from voting, as are prisoners, and persons living within the borders who are not nationalized. Citizens who are active in a thin democracy mainly participate in it by electing persons and then monitoring their political decisions (if they choose to do so), allowing the elected (those seen by the majority to have the most expertise and capability to discern what best represents the will of the majority) to do the actual work."
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Quality of Democracy in Iraq, 2006.
A study on democracy in Iraq, looking at how much progress the country has made towards establishing democracy, the quality of its democracy and how well its institutions are functioning.
1,800 words (approx. 7.2 pages), 5 sources, AU$ 103.95
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Abstract
This paper takes three of the fourteen topics provided on the Democratic Audit web site and apply them to a study of democracy in Iran. Specifically, the paper assesses the country's progress towards democracy, the quality of its democracy, and the functioning of its institutions - all by using the following three topics as a "measuring stick". These topics are a) civil and political rights, b) economic and social rights, and c) the extent of participation in the political process by various Iranian citizens.
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Capitalism and Democracy, 2005.
This paper argues that democracy is the ideal framework for the capitalistic order of society.
1,021 words (approx. 4.1 pages), 4 sources, MLA, AU$ 53.95
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Abstract
This paper argues the case of democracy being the natural environment for capitalism. It first points out that, though they are associated to each other by convention, democracy, in theory, is anathema to the capitalist, due to the fact that the bourgeoisie capitalist class is always a tiny minority. The writer then demonstrates that democracy is not majority rule, but only that it establishes an aura of majority rule. The paper then goes on to argue that this aura is the crucial aspect, because through it the tendencies towards revolution are averted. The writer notes that in comparison, socialism and fascism are imperfect milieus for dealing with revolution, and then shows how modern history has proved the supremacy of democracy as the nurturer of capitalism.
From the Paper
"Capitalism is invariably associated with democracy. Schumpeter describes this as a coincidence - the outcome of the historical circumstance in which capitalism evolved. He argues that capitalism functions under various totalitarian regimes around the world where free elections are never held, therefore it cannot be held that democracy is a requisite to capitalism. Against this thesis, this essay argues that both democracy and capitalism must go hand in hand, and tries to explain away the exemptions as not isolated economies, but rather erected on the success of the central model of Western democratic capitalism."
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Road to Democracy in Latin America, 2007.
An examination of the factors contributing to the less-than-ideal state of democracy in Latin America.
3,090 words (approx. 12.4 pages), 5 sources, APA, AU$ 131.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the bumpy road to democracy in Latin America. It explains how, in a region with a long history of autocratic rule, democracy is a relatively new concept and must prove to be more favorable than authoritarian rule. The paper concludes that, because of the effects of transition and international intervention legacies, full democracy has not been meaningfully incorporated into Latin American political culture.
From the Paper
"For the past three decades, Latin America has experienced a steady wave of democratization. While most countries in the region are currently considered democratic, they continue to be plagued with economic instability, violations of human rights and government corruption. Latin American leaders are generally chosen by free elections, but elections alone do not constitute a full democracy. A fully democratic government must be able to protect their civilians' basic rights and meet the demands of the popular will. The less-than-ideal quality of present-day Latin American democracy can be attributed to the manner in which democratic regimes assumed power, the role of international influences and the actual performance of democratic governments."
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Greek City-States & Citizenship, 2006.
A description of Greek city-states and how they contributed to today's democracy.
2,085 words (approx. 8.3 pages), 7 sources, MLA, AU$ 95.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the Greek city-states that existed between the 8th and 5th centuries B.C.E. It describes the political activity and social interaction within them, and how men and women were either granted citizenship within the city-state or were excluded from it. The paper discusses how the concept of these city-states contributed to the current appreciation of democracy which is practiced in many nations today.
From the Paper
"Another significant aspect pertaining to granting political rights to the poor came from the sole rulers or tyrants who seized power for a time in a number of city-states. These tyrants certainly granted citizenship to the working poor as a means of building popular support among the lower classes which lived in their regimes. However, it is also possible that the upper social levels of Greek society became less of a cohesive political group during the 6th and 5th centuries B.C.E. which weakened the opposition to the idea that it was a justified to exclude the working poor from participating in the political body."
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"Democracy in America", 2002.
A study of freedom and democracy using Tocqueville's "Democracy in America".
650 words (approx. 2.6 pages), 3 sources, AU$ 38.95
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Abstract
This essay explores the interrelation of the concepts of equality, freedom and democracy in history as portrayed in Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America".
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Socrates' Criticisms of Democracy, 2008.
A discussion of the writer's views of democracy and of Socrates' problems with democracy and the democratic man as seen in Plato's, "Republic."
2,037 words (approx. 8.1 pages), 11 sources, MLA, AU$ 94.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses Socrates' view of democracy and the democratic man as related in Book 8 of Plato's "Republic." In particular, the paper attempts to ascertain what specific problems Socrates has with democracy and democratic man. The paper then relates Socrates' criticisms - both those that the writer agrees with and those that he does not - to the state of affairs within the United States.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
Criticisms of Democracy and Democratic Man
Freedom in Democracy
Equality in Democracy
Freedom and Equality in Democratic Man
Afterthought: The Democratic Ruler(s)
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Although it is clear that Socrates holds an uncomplimentary view of democracy, to say the least, it is equally clear to me that, conversely, in today's world democracy is largely respected and admired; countries strive to be "democratic" because of the positive connotations attached to the concept. What I have difficulty understanding is not the fact that countries today manipulate the definition of democracy to fit their own agenda, but rather why the concept, democracy, was chosen as the emulative term. Why isn't "socialism" seen as the "good" form of government? After all, in our country we are lacking a lot of the basic qualities that are supposedly essential to democracy. Yet at the same time the U.S. is arguably the most powerful, most economically well-off country in the world. There are many more questions like these that need to be explored, and I hope that throughout the course of this essay, through an examination of Plato's thought in the Republic, I have shed some light on some of the possible answers."
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Religious Freedom and Democracy in America, 2007.
An analysis of whether the ideals of religious freedom and democracy that America was created on, are in fact, a reality today.
2,867 words (approx. 11.5 pages), 7 sources, MLA, AU$ 124.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the theory of religious freedom and democracy in the United States and analyzes whether the country has lived up to the ideals that it was created with. The paper suggests that religious freedom and democracy in America today are more imperiled than they have ever been in the nearly four hundred years of the land's history and it discusses some of the issues that are affecting the ideals of the country.
From the Paper
"The interplay of individuals, each helping his or her fellow to achieve his dreams - with Divine Aid - that is so clearly depicted in A Prayer for Owen Meany is disturbingly absent from Rothko's work. Instead, it is the entrepreneur's America, a place in which the science that provided the know-how for invention and wealth has taken over our lives and reduced them to mere blocks of drab color. It is the industrial wasteland of the brooding Industrial Age philosopher, the deep thinker who has witnessed the carnage of two world wars, and America's battle to preserve its ideals in a world of violent ideologies and rampant technology."
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Mill, de Toqueville and Schmitt: Problems of Democracy, 2008.
A comparison of John Stuart Mill's "On Liberty", Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America", and Carl Schmitt's "The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy".
1,000 words (approx. 4.0 pages), 3 sources, MLA, AU$ 51.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the problems of democracy as cited in three major works on the subject: John Stuart Mill's "On Liberty", Alexis de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America", and Carl Schmitt's "The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy". The paper elaborates upon the views of Mill and de Tocqueville, who both believed that the tyranny of the majority was particularly worrisome in democracies, compared to other political systems. The paper also outlines the major features of Carl Schmitt's critiques of parliamentary democracy, in which he contrasts between how parliamentary government is designed to function and how it actually functions. The paper further discusses Schmitt's argument that democratic institutions function through corrupt political deal-making and that rational political debate and election results have little impact on government decision-making. The paper concludes that Mill and de Tocqueville realized that the solutions for these problems actually lay within the democratic system.
From the Paper
"Schmitt was also critical of parliamentary systems because he believed that the nature of democracy itself is based upon meaningless abstractions such as equality and liberty. To him, these high-sounding concepts were little more than a sham, for most people care very little about equal rights and liberty and most political leaders care even less. Leaders deliver grand speeches in parliaments and legislatures about democracy, but behind the scenes, they act in their own self-interest. And in society, the average citizen is just as hypocritical, for they resent any action by the government or other citizens that is detrimental to their self-interest, while paying lip service to democracy and equal rights for all."
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