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American Foreign Policy, 2008.
This paper explores the U.S. presidential foreign policy doctrine as based on the pursuit of world power.
4,028 words (approx. 16.1 pages), 23 sources, MLA, AU$ 132.95
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Abstract
The paper looks at the origins of the President's foreign policy powers as enumerated under the Constitution and examines the foreign policy acts of Thomas Jefferson. The paper then focuses on the Monroe Doctrine, reviews the salient features of U.S. foreign policy throughout the nineteenth century, considers the foreign policy doctrines of both Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt, as well as Woodrow Wilson and ends by looking at the modern-day, post-world war II presidencies of Truman, Nixon, Reagan and George W. Bush. The paper argues that the foreign policy doctrines of U.S. presidents - whether in the nineteenth century or the twenty-first - have fundamentally revolved around the projection, expansion and consolidation of American power beyond its borders.
From the Paper
"In the words of Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., the oldest doctrine and/or tradition in American foreign policy was - and is - the doctrine of unilateralism. Specifically, American leaders have always been reluctant to engage in foreign policy alignments - an attitude neatly encapsulated in the inaugural addresses of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson (Schlesinger 3-4). According to the historian Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., even the Monroe Doctrine, perhaps the first "great" presidential doctrine vis-a-vis foreign affairs, was prompted by a desire to not only seal off South America from European control, but to remind Europeans that America had no desire to involve itself in European matters and would not do so as long as "hemispheric affairs" in the Americas were not meddled in by the European powers (5). In effect, the Monroe Doctrine was really about keeping the diplomatic intrigues and political machinations of Europe firmly located in Europe and/or in remote parts of the world of no (direct) interest to America."
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The China-Taiwan Issue, 2008.
This paper explores the China-Taiwan conflict and its solution.
1,612 words (approx. 6.4 pages), 5 sources, MLA, AU$ 63.95
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Abstract
The paper describes how the island of Taiwan has long been a territory under some form of Chinese rule. The paper relates that the current political turmoil between China and Taiwan has its roots in the Chinese civil war in the early part of the last century. The paper notes the American support of an independent Taiwan that ensured it did not fall to the Communists. The paper shows how the solution to the difficulties between Mainland China and Taiwan is not a political one, but an economic and commercial one.
From the Paper
"The cross-strait relationship between China and Taiwan has been a point of geo-political concern since the end of World War II following the removal of Japanese colonial control when the Island experienced a brief period of political independence. This period was short-lived since only a few years later the island was inundated with Chiang Kaishek's Nationalist troops fleeing Mainland China and Mao Zedong's Communist troops. While the island of Taiwan has been variously claimed and ignored by Chinese dynasties throughout history, it was not until it was used as a place of refuge for the Goumingtang, or the Nationalists as they are known in English, that it morphed into a long-term point of contention for China and a line in the sand, as it were, for Western democracy and a buffer against Communist dominance in the region."
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Chinese Monetary Policy as Foreign Policy, 2008.
An analysis of how China's monetary policy has been used as part of its foreign policy to influence international relations.
3,815 words (approx. 15.3 pages), 16 sources, MLA, AU$ 126.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses China's economic policies. It focuses on its monetary policies and the use of its artificial control over its exchange rate as an unofficial brief of its foreign policy. It shows how China uses its monetary policy internationally to improve its positions on trade, foreign relations, and bilateral agreements with various countries.
Table of Contents:
Abstract
Overview
Chinese Monetary Policy
Foreign Investment as Policy
Foreign Trade
Conclusions
From the Paper
"For many years the Chinese Yuan was pegged to the U.S. dollar and, until recently, this was not a foreign policy issue. However, as the U.S. as well as other markets, have seen their import markets grow far beyond their export markets and consequently maintain extreme trade deficits, the artificial manipulation of the Yuan has now become a matter of foreign policy. Many foreign markets view China's exchange regime, managed float or not, to be an economic weapon and one in which it has not been reticent to utilize."
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Humanitarian Intervention, 2008.
An analysis of the political, economic, social and religious factors that impact the decision of whether to provide humanitarian intervention.
2,620 words (approx. 10.5 pages), 10 sources, MLA, AU$ 95.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses humanitarian intervention and whether it is always justified. It then presents and discusses the complex political, economic, social and religious factors that often combine in the real world to present difficult decisions for national and international authorities when debating whether international humanitarian intervention is necessary or justified. The paper provides examples of past major humanitarian disasters and discusses the outcomes of humanitarian intervention.
From the Paper
"Ultimately, the complexities of international politics and the constant shifting of immediate national interests preclude the wide application of universal rules for determining whether humanitarian intervention is necessary or justified, for there are so many political, economic, social, religious, cultural, and historical factors involved. In the context of international politics, theories are not scientific laws, they are simply guidelines which help explain the intervention policies nations pursue, and which serve to reduce at least some of the confusion as to why nations do what they do when a humanitarian crisis develops somewhere in the world."
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Civil War in Iraq, 2008.
An argument that the civil war in Iraq is due to deceit on the part of the Bush administration.
2,129 words (approx. 8.5 pages), 8 sources, MLA, AU$ 80.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the civil war in Iraq and the role that the United States played in beginning it. The paper argues that terrorist attacks of 9/11 were ruthlessly exploited by President Bush and his advisors, who falsely accused Iraq of plotting to attack the United States with weapons of mass destruction. The paper concludes that Iraq's civil war was a consequence of that deceit.
From the Paper
"As this debate intensifies in the United States, hundreds of innocent Iraqis are being killed every week as sectarian violence escalates and civil war rages. The fragile authority, limited influence, and entrenched corruption of the Iraqi government has prevented it thus far from establishing control, reducing the violence, and forging any semblance of unity between the Shi'ites, Sunnis, and Kurds. Much of its impotence is due to the perceptions of millions of Iraqis that it is little more than a puppet government controlled by the Bush Administration. This widespread perception fuels the insurgency, which doesn't appear likely to abate unless the United States begins withdrawing troops in significant numbers."
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Derek Gregory's "The Colonial Present", 2007.
This paper reviews Derek Gregory's book "The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq", which examines the war on terror based on the history of U.S. and British involvement in the region going back decades.
1,735 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 1 source, MLA, AU$ 68.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Derek Gregory, in "The Colonial Present", spends much of the book describing the actions of Britain and the U.S. in trying to impose control over the peoples of the region. The author points out that former colonial regions of the world are virtually all encumbered today by tensions and state failures because of the condition these regions were left in when the colonial powers withdrew. The paper states that the Middle East, which has been of strategic importance to both countries for some time, often served as a staging ground for conflicts with the Soviet Union; however, the way the West has related to the Middle East has changed since 9-11. The author criticizes that Gregory, a geographer, does not delve deeply into the internal divisions now causing the factional war in Iraq.
From the Paper
"Many of the states in the Middle East are marked by repressive policies, violations of human rights, and non-democratic cultures. The irony is that most of these regimes were set up or propped up by Britain, France, and the United States in decades past, a fact which Gregory says means that the U.S. and the other nations area not innocent, which also helps explain the anger now directed at the West by the Arab world. Gregory notes how many people are asking questions about the guilt of the West and the response of the Middle East, and he says he does not intend to decide which view is correct but only to note the dichotomy they produce."
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The Atomic Bomb, 2008.
This paper discusses the atomic bomb and provides an analysis of its
moral implications.
1,359 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 4 sources, MLA, AU$ 55.95
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Abstract
This paper relates that the atomic bomb has dramatically changed the world we live in and will continue to strike fear into the every day lives of civilians. The paper asserts that the making of the atomic bomb was inevitable, but the use of the atomic bomb was a mistake that will never be forgotten. The paper goes on to say that the atomic bombings of the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 ended the bloodiest war in human history, but Japan was on the verge of surrendering anyway, so there was no military justification for the use of these horrific weapons. The writer concludes that if humanity fails to break free from the vicious cycle of wars, atomic bombs will be used again, life on earth will end someday in one final conflagration and the final page of human history will never be written because no one will be left alive to write it.
From the Paper
"Despite the fact that most Americans in 1945 considered these atomic attacks fully justified and felt no remorse for the massive death and destruction inflicted upon Hiroshima and Nagasaki, most Americans today have very different attitudes about the atomic bombings, and feel regret, shame, and revulsion when they think about the atomic attacks. Most of them believe that although the making of the atomic bomb was inevitable, it was a mistake to use atomic bombs against Japan."
"The Manhattan Project was established early in World War II because it was learned that Nazi Germany was intent upon building an atomic bomb. This political factor, combined with the relentless advance of scientific discoveries, made the development of atomic weapons inevitable. Consequently, a race to develop atomic bombs began, for they would be the ultimate weapon and whichever nation possessed them would be impossible to defeat."
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The 2003 Iraq War, 2008.
This paper discuses the role of liberal internationalism in the development of the 2003 Iraq War.
1,100 words (approx. 4.4 pages), 5 sources, MLA, AU$ 46.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the fundamental basis for liberal internationalism is the coupling of a commitment to freedom and to a free market economy with the desire to spread the country's sphere of influence. The author points out that aggressive liberal internationalism has been characterized by the willingness of a few powerful nations, such as the United States and Great Britain, to use military and political force to promote these liberal ideals and paradoxically promote peace and security. The paper argues that, although some people argue that not enough time has passed for the roots of liberalism to take hold in Iraq and help stabilize the region, this policy has failed in Iraq. The author concludes that it is impossible to impose liberal policies and institutions on societies and cultures that have no tradition of liberalism.
From the Paper
"Critics have argued that the nearly unilateral invasion of Iraq by the United States represents the nation's departure from the liberal tradition in international relations. But this is not the case. Liberal internationalism is simply a theoretical approach to international relations that works to spread the influence of the liberal tradition, and even, in extreme cases, to punish those nations who do not abide by that tradition. While, in a practical sense, it makes little sense for there to be a liberal international order of only one nation..."
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The World Order: 1945-1970, 2007.
This paper discuses the world order, especially the U.S., from 1945 after the end of WWII to 1970 and Vietnam.
2,370 words (approx. 9.5 pages), 4 sources, MLA, AU$ 88.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that the years from 1945 to 1970 witnessed the transformation of the world order, which had been characterized by the emergence of the nation-states of the 19th century and their imperialistic colonization of countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The author points out that, after WWII, with the power of England, France and Germany destroyed, the U.S. was the only major power unscathed in its territory. The paper relates that, when the Soviet Union tested its first atomic bomb and imposed its constricting net over Eastern Europe, the two super powers aggressively opposed each other on either side of the Cold War. The author concludes that the state of the world in 1970 found a radically altered American society where, for the first time in its history, its Vietnam War policy was politicized and polarized.
From the Paper
"It is possible and perhaps necessary to view this strategic impasse less as a function of monolithic state policy than as actions motivated and implemented by government sectors, interest groups, or ministries. The arms race, with its high stakes in profits, needed a protagonist and an adversary; certain elements within the burgeoning military-industrial context also benefited quite well from the ostensibly anti-U.S. policy of Charles de Gaulle who "suspended military assistance to Israel" leaving the U.S. to become Israel's main arms supplier."
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Canadian International Trade, 2008.
The paper explores Canadian attitudes towards international trade and discusses questions, which arise from their current trade situation.
3,475 words (approx. 13.9 pages), 8 sources, APA, AU$ 118.95
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Abstract
This paper notes that Canada is renowned for its enthusiastic attitude towards international trade and its involvement in organizations, such as the WTO, NAFTA and other regional trading blocs. The paper then explains that this attitude has been tempered recently, however, due to concerns over the validity of such free trade agreements. The author points out that, even though existing free trade agreements are insufficient because of issues of environmental corruption, favor towards U.S. domestic policies and an openness to legislative misinterpretation, in the growing environment of globalization, it is apparent that, for Canada, international trade is here to stay. The paper states that it is undeniable that the U.S. is a powerful ally for Canada and that a positive relationship must be maintained despite political, social and economic problems.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Canadian Enthusiasm for International Trade
Free Trade Agreements Seem Confusing - What are they All About?
Legislation Concerns: Doesn't NAFTA Benefit the U.S. more than Canada?
Should Canada-U.S. Trade Relations even be Encouraged?
What about Environmental Issues?
Conclusion
From the Paper
"However, NAFTA was initially embraced by the Canadians for a number of reasons. It gave a more comprehensive definition of investment than the Canada-U.S. FTA. Unlike this former agreement, it also applied to sub-national governments and municipalities on top of national governments. It was also much clearer on issues such as establishing a mechanism for the settlement of investment disputes, outlining procedures and time frames for claims, the process of appointing tribunal members and the issuing and enforcing of awards."
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The European Court of Justice, 2008.
An analysis of the roles and objectives of the European Court of Justice.
1,170 words (approx. 4.7 pages), 5 sources, MLA, AU$ 49.95
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Abstract
The European Court of Justice (ECJ) is a legal body within the construct of the European Union (EU) that handles legal disputes and defends the "Treaties of the European Union". This paper discusses how, up until now, the ECJ has played a central role in the ongoing development and evolution of the EU and how now it is taking a larger role within the context of EU commercial treaties and regulations involving both national and private entities.
Outline:
Overview
ECJ Objectives & Processes
ECJ Procedures
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Another method of access to the ECJ are the proceedings for failure to fulfil an obligation or similar. These proceedings are nothing more than the ability of the Commission or even a member state to start the proceedings within the ECJ's jurisdiction that will require another member state to comply with a relevant EU law or treaty (Tallberg 76). One example of this regulatory role of the ECJ is the ECJ's ruling that instructed France to accept British beef following the denouement of the mad cow scare several years ago (Tallberg 77). "
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Development in Bangladesh, 2008.
An analysis of development and political change in Bangladesh according to dependency theory.
1,014 words (approx. 4.1 pages), 8 sources, MLA, AU$ 43.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses how a critical examination of development of Bangladesh indicates that its development has proceeded in accordance with dependency theory, which reflects the English School theory of international relations.
From the Paper
"It must also be taken into account that Bangladesh is the poorest country on earth, yet has vast, untapped oil reserves, which makes it a tempting target for a Western power such as the United States, which may decide to "liberate" it in the name of "democracy" as part of "the war on terror" after it finishes "liberating" Iraq and perhaps Iran as well.
The current political weakness of the Bush Administration and the chaos in Iraq make this scenario unlikely in the near future, but such a development over the next ten to twenty years cannot be ruled out. "
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Torture and Rendition, 2007.
An analysis of the justification of practicing rendition and torture.
1,043 words (approx. 4.2 pages), 3 sources, APA, AU$ 44.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the advantages of using rendition and torture as measures that must be taken to prevent a catastrophic terrorist attack. The writer discusses the very real threat of biological weapons and argues that since there is little or no effective military or civil defense against biological weapons once they are weaponized and delivered effectively, torture and rendition must be used in order to prevent them from being weaponized by terrorists and delivered to a vulnerable target. The paper concludes that U.S. agents should be permitted to use torture and/or rendition when interrogating a terrorist suspect who may have information about an impending attack in order to prevent massive biological global destruction.
From the Paper
"When interrogating a terrorist suspect who may have information about an impending attack, U.S. agents should be permitted to use torture and/or rendition, which is the practice of turning suspects over for interrogation to countries whose agents use more severe interrogating techniques than allowed under U.S. law. The use of such measures is regrettable, but the threat posed to millions of innocent people by terrorists willing to use dirty bombs or biological weapons leaves U.S. agents no alternative but to do everything in their power to prevent such a nightmare."
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Withdrawal from Iraq, 2008.
An argument in favor of American troops withdrawing from Iraq.
1,106 words (approx. 4.4 pages), 4 sources, APA, AU$ 46.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the implications of United States troops withdrawing from Iraq, as well as those for staying there. The paper describes the advantages of withdrawing and the disadvantages of staying. It argues strongly that the only possible course of action at this stage is for America to completely withdraw from the country.
From the Paper
"When American policymakers consider what must be done next, it is painfully evident that tolerating more brazen Bush Administration lies and cynical political manipulation is no solution. At this point, withdrawal is the only viable option. As Cillizza and White (2005) note, staying in Iraq will only make things worse there, and prevent the United States from adequately supporting the vulnerable Karzai government in Afghanistan, where the Taliban and Al Qaeda are stronger than they have been since 2001."
"In conclusion, the U.S. should begin a complete withdrawal of its troops from Iraq because there are no other realistic military or political options. As the civil war escalates between the Sunnis and Shi'ites, American forces will be forced to support one side or the other, which entails the risk of drawing Iran or other neighboring states into the war, which would unleash even more bloodshed and destabilize the region for decades."
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Post WW II American Wars, 2008.
This paper discuses three post World War II wars, which involved the U.S.: Korea, Vietnam and Iraq.
1,290 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 4 sources, MLA, AU$ 52.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that both the Korean and Vietnam Wars were Cold War conflicts waged by the United States against what was believed to be the global communist of expansion. The author points out that, although the Korean War was a conventional war, the Vietnam War was a guerrilla war fighting an insurgency similar to the current Iraq War. The paper stresses that the difference is that this Middle Eastern war, to a significant extent, is being fueled by religious factors. The author concludes that LBJ and his advisers blundered their way into the wrong war at the wrong time in the wrong place just as Bush has done in Iraq.
From the Paper
"By the early nineteen-sixties, the situation had deteriorated to such an extent in Laos and South Vietnam that President Kennedy increased military and economic aid and sent thousands of American military advisers to train the South Vietnamese Army. For these Green Beret advisers, training the South Vietnamese inevitably involved engaging in combat with Viet Cong forces, which resulted in the first significant American casualties of the Vietnam War."
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The Organizing Construct of U.S Foreign Policy, 2007.
This paper argues that the Bush War on Terror has replaced the Truman Cold War as the organizing construct of U.S foreign policy.
785 words (approx. 3.1 pages), 4 sources, MLA, AU$ 33.95
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Abstract
This paper states that both the Cold War and the present-day War on Terror doctrines are excellent examples of a "good-versus-evil" paradigm that paints U.S. international affairs in unsophisticated shades of black and white. The author points out that the Bush doctrine is wholly committed to pre-empting terror and not merely interested in containing it as in the Truman Cold War doctrine. The paper concludes that both approaches call for a vigilant and aggressive America that seeks to advance its own security wherever it is deemed necessary.
From the Paper
"In many respects, it may be said that the Truman Doctrine began the "policy of containment" whereby the United States would aggressively confront any expansion of communism outside of the USSR and Eastern Europe. By comparison, the Bush Doctrine - while it would certainly seem amenable to offering military and financial support to foreign countries that are genuinely eager to engage the terrorist threat - is much more about pre-emption than about containment."
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