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The European Court of Justice, 2003.
Description, history and problems associated with one of the most important aspects of the European Union.
2,062 words (approx. 8.2 pages), 10 sources, MLA, AU$ 95.95
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Abstract
The ultimate authority to rule on the interpretation of European Union law resides with the Court of Justice of the European Union. This paper discusses the ECJ in detail, with particular attention paid to its history. Also discussed are its relations to Great Britain and France, as well as relevant problems the ECJ faces today.
From the Paper
"Historically, Britain?s Parliament held the position of supremacy in the country but this is currently challenged by the right the ECJ to rule on whether British law is compatible with European Union law (Curtis 110). The notion that a body of laws supercedes British Law and that Britain is bound somewhat to the written constitution of the European Union creates a problem in the minds of many British people, both those within the government and common citizens (Curtis 110).
The European Union (at this time the European Community) challenged British Parliamentary sovereignty in 1991 when the EC threatened to take legal action to stop British Rail construction projects for environmental reasons (Curtis 110)."
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?Revolution from Above?, 2003.
Explores the effects of Joseph Stalin's 1927 "Revolution from Above" in Russia.
939 words (approx. 3.8 pages), 6 sources, MLA, AU$ 49.95
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Abstract
Joseph Stalin set out to change the strictly agricultural Russia into an industrially powerful nation. In November 1927, Stalin launched his "revolution from above" by setting two extraordinary goals for Soviet domestic policy: rapid industrialization and collectivization of agriculture. This papers examines the effects of Stalin's Five-Year Plans. It shows that although Russia reached new economic and industrial levels and became more modernized, Stalin was a brutal, single minded dictator who exploited the workers, allowed millions to die in slave labor and kept the populace in a constant state of fear and paranoia.
From the Paper
"Stalin focused particular hostility on the wealthier peasants, or kulaks. About one million kulak households were deported and never heard from again. Forced collectivization of the remaining peasants, which was often fiercely resisted, resulted in a disastrous disruption of agricultural productivity and a catastrophic famine in 1932-33. Although the First Five-Year Plan called for the collectivization of only twenty percent of peasant households, by 1940 approximately ninety-seven percent of all peasant households had been collectivized and private ownership of property almost entirely eliminated. Forced collectivization helped achieve Stalin's goal of rapid industrialization and modernization, but the human costs were incalculable.1"
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Vaclav Havel and Dictatorship, 2002.
Examines the life and political career of the Czech Republic president and discusses his views on forms of dictatorship.
1,188 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 3 sources, MLA, AU$ 59.95
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Abstract
This paper traces the political life and views of Vaclav Havel, 1989 President of Czechoslovakia and President of the newly formed Czech Republic in 1993. The paper examines Havel's life-long struggle against classical dictatorship and analyzes his views on the subject in his work ?Power of the Powerless.? It looks at the terms classical dictatorship and post-totalitarian dictatorship and compares the two.
From the Paper
"It superficially appears that both system types benefit from certain aspects of the system. In the case of a classical dictatorship, the strength of the system is might. Without use of force to suppress any opposition and open interpretation of law to determine crimes against the state, the dictator loses respect drawn mostly from a compromise of fear mixed with compliance. In the Post-Totalitarian system, centralization is the strengthening force. There is a State power structure to answer to and work with bureaucratically. The State is a sort of bastard mother or wet nurse who provides for her children while answering to their father world."
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The Tisza River Catastrophe, 2000-2001, 2003.
A case study of the Romanian-Hungarian dispute over the cyanide spill that caused severe ecological damage to the Tisza River.
4,055 words (approx. 16.2 pages), 32 sources, MLA, AU$ 160.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the diplomatic tug-of-war that followed the January 2000 cyanide spill that began in Romania and entered the Tisza River in Hungary through the greater Danube River system. The paper shows that throughout the affair, both Romania and Hungary emphasized the need for clear, defined international legal agreements that would govern responsibility in the case of a transboundary environmental catastrophe. It also shows how, Romania used the absence of such an agreement to defend its position that it was free of liability in the matter.
From the Paper
"The Tisza River catastrophe, aside from yielding irreversible ecological damage to the river basin area, has had severe repercussions for Romanian-Hungarian relations. While Romania and Hungary, both with designs on joining the European Union and attracting increased foreign investment, attempted to create an image of cooperation in dealing with the disaster, relations between the two countries became strained over issues of blame. The Hungarian government was vague in its demand for compensation, noting that it might not be able to hold the Austrian firm involved in the spill directly responsible. Even Hungary?s position on whether to sue Romania was initially uncertain. A desire to promote an international image of stability led both countries to downplay the disaster and cloak the international dispute, but at the same time the Hungarian government had to contend with an outraged Hungarian population."
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Vietnam and Korea, 2002.
An examination of the two wars fought by America after the Second World War - the Vietnam War and the Korean War.
1,204 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 2 sources, MLA, AU$ 60.95
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Abstract
This paper briefly compares the Vietnam and Korean Wars and discusses how these were the start of a new style of war fought by the Americans after the Second World War. It discusses how the Russians and the Americans were placed on opposite sides of these wars and the ideological differences (the Cold War) that lead to the formation of these superpowers.
From the Paper
"The Cold War is the name given to the era after World War II as tensions between East and West increased and coalesced around issues of ideology and fear of nuclear war. The Cold War arguably added to those tensions rather than reducing them until the era ended with the breakup of the Soviet Union. Much of American foreign policy since World War II has been shaped around anti-Communism, and it has only been recently with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the breakup of the Soviet Union that America has found itself without a clearly identified enemy. In the 1950s, anti-Communism was bound with ideas of tradition, family values, and the protection of the American way of life. Yet, two images of the world seemed at odds in this era--on the one hand, a world torn by strife and threatened by Communism, and on the other, the American world of affluent families living in freedom and equality."
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U.S. Involvement in Bosnia during the 1990s, 2002.
An overview of America's foreign policy towards Bosnia during the turbulent war years of the 1990s.
3,658 words (approx. 14.6 pages), 8 sources, MLA, AU$ 148.95
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Abstract
This research paper traces the evolution of American involvement in and international strategy toward Bosnia during the period beginning with the outbreak of war among indigenous forces there in early 1992 and continuing to the present time. It begins by discussing the war in Bosnia and U.S. international strategy after the end of the Cold War. It then discusses Bush's strategy vis-a-vis Bosnia and Clinton administration non-strategy. The writer then addresses the reassertion of American leadership in 1994-95 and concludes the implementation of the Dayton Accords.
From the Paper
"The international strategy of any nation contains three elements: its foreign policy (ends or goals) and the means used to achieve those goals (foreign policy means, including the use of diplomacy, the threat of or use of military power, and economic tools, such as foreign aid, trade, etc.), as permitted or constrained by foreign policy resources (including the sinews of national economic and military capacity and strength, and intangible sources of national power, such as international prestige and reputation, national will and public support). International strategy consists of three basic elements or components: global strategy, regional strategy and strategy toward a particular nation or state. The primary thesis of this paper is that the United States failed for at least four years to develop and, therefore, implement through appropriate use of diplomacy and military force an effective international strategy for dealing with the Bosnian war because it suffered from confusion as to its basic objectives there and a lack of conviction that its vital interests were involved. Even today, four years after the signing of the Dayton Accords, legitimate questions can be raised as to whether American policy makers, the Congress or the American public sufficiently appreciate the long-term nature of the commitments they have undertaken in Bosnia and whether they are prepared to stay the course long enough to complete them."
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The Union Movement in Poland, 2002.
This paper discusses the union movement in Poland which developed into a major social and political force under the heading Solidarnosc, or Solidarity, after 1980.
1,837 words (approx. 7.3 pages), 4 sources, MLA, AU$ 85.95
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Abstract
The paper traces the roots of the movement back to the election of Wladyslaw Gomulka to head the Polish United Workers Party (PUWP). According to the writer, this helped pave the way for the strengthening of the movement and prepared the workers for the changes to come. The paper outlines the political repercussions of this movement.
From the Paper
"Gomulka was born into a working-class family in 1905 and became a Communist leader of the trade union left, and he returned to the political scene after being released from prison in 1956. The reforms he promised never came to pass, though, for being a traditional Communist, he believed that a centrally controlled, one-party state would be the only way to insure Socialism, and decentralization of the industrial systems would hinder efforts to achieve this. Gomulka failed to deliver on his word to the workers and the intelligentsia, who wanted to liberalize the economic, cultural, and religious practices of Poland. According to the Polish student newspaper Po Prostu, the goal of the workers and the intelligentsia was "to bring about a radical transformation of the Stalinist model of Socialism to a Polish model, genuinely Socialist"(MacShane 33). Gomulka did not accept this ideal as expected, and it became apparel that such a radical goal could not be achieved in Gomulka's traditional one-party system."
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The Ottoman Empire and Current Balkan Conflicts, 2002.
Examines the relevance of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans to contemporary current conflicts and tensions in that region.
6,050 words (approx. 24.2 pages), 22 sources, MLA, AU$ 209.95
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Abstract
This paper looks at the nature and long duration of Ottoman rule in the Balkans. The writer reviews the deep and long lasting effects on the nations which today make up the Balkan Peninsula. The first part examines how during the first several centuries of Ottoman rule, its legacy was conducive to the maintenance of order, prosperity and ethnic and religious toleration. The second part explores how certain facets of Ottoman policy and practice, also contributed to the stunting of the area's political, economic and intellectual growth.
From the Paper
"The term Balkans, which means in Turkish 'chain of wooded mountains,' refers to the southeastern peninsula of Europe, the largely mountainous lands which lie between the Adriatic Sea on the west, the plains of Central Europe to the north, the steppes of Russia/Ukraine to the east, the Black Sea and Asia Minor to the southeast and the Mediterranean Sea to the south. It contains the modern nations of Albania, Bulgaria, Greece and Romania and all of the nations which have emerged from the breakup in the 1990s of the former Yugoslavia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Serbia and Slovenia."
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Stalin and the Marxist Theory, 2002.
Examines how Joseph Stalin used the Marxist-Leninist theory to his own benefit to maintain power in Russia.
1,506 words (approx. 6.0 pages), 2 sources, MLA, AU$ 72.95
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Abstract
Joseph Stalin was not a theorist, but he was a consummate politician. In the 1920s, Marxist-Leninist theoretical grounding was a primary mode of legitimation for those who aspired to leadership of the Russian Communist Party. The paper shows that Stalin was, therefore, always able to elucidate an appropriate theoretical pedigree for whatever he believed was the best course for the new nation or, not incidentally, for his own political ends. The paper shows that Stalin's first Five Year Plan -- adopted, modified and approved between September 1928 and April 1929 -- was just such a course of action. It explains how he changed his previously stated intentions and ideologies in order to develop the Five Year Plan and remain in power as the leader of Communist Russia.
From the Paper
"From his earliest study of Marxist theory Stalin was attracted to dialectical materialism as a world view that provided "a coherent overall philosophical image of the world" and conceived of society past and present "as a great battleground whereon two hostile forces -- bourgeoisie and proletariat -- are locked in mortal combat" (Tucker 118, 119). Socialism flowed inevitably, logically from Marx's systematic thought and justified the revolutionary extremism that had a special appeal for Stalin. In his early political incarnation Stalin sided with the so-called "hards" who were opposed to the moderation of the left. He became a leading proponent of Lenin's militant interpretation of Marx and, as a leading advocate of Bolshevism, Stalin "found himself in his spiritual element" (121)."
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Attack on Armenia's Parliament, 2002.
A description of the events that took place during the attack on the parliament of Armenia in the capital of Yerevan on October 17, 1999.
1,087 words (approx. 4.3 pages), 3 sources, MLA, AU$ 55.95
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Abstract
This paper provides a step-by-step event analysis of the attack on Armenia's parliament. It looks at the various report of the event and how these differed from each other. It also discusses the ramification of this attack on the political situation in Armenia and how this affected the country's stability.
From the Paper
"Among those killed were Prime Minister Vazgen Sarkisyan and the parliamentary speaker, Karen S. Demirchyan, both of whom were leaders of the Unity political bloc, which won the Armenian elections in June. While it might be assumed that they had not been in power long enough to make many enemies, this was apparently not so. One of the gunmen was identified by eyewitnesses as Nairi Umanyan, a former journalist and extreme nationalist, and also identified were two of the other terrorists, reportedly related to Umanyan. Witness said Umanyan accused officials of "drinking our blood" (Dixon A1)."
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The N.E.P., 2002.
Examines the reasons why Vladimir Lenin adopted the New Economic Policy in 1921.
2,293 words (approx. 9.2 pages), 7 sources, APA, AU$ 103.95
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Abstract
This research examines the reasons behind Lenin's adoption of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1921 in the wake of the Soviet revolution in 1917. The research sets forth the principal elements of the NEP and the context in which it emerged as an issue for the Bolshevik/Communist government. It then explores the literature of the Soviet state with a view toward identifying factors that positioned Lenin to promulgate the policy. The paper includes an annotated bibliography.
From the Paper
"War Communism formally placed industrial and agricultural production as well as trade and prices under state control. As a practical matter that meant that agrarian peasants' cash crops (and sometimes foodstuffs, Lenin admits) were appropriated by the state (for cash, says Lenin) to "meet the requirements of the army and sustain workers" (quoted in Fischer and Marek, 1972, p. 146). Fischer and Marek (1972, p. 146) quote Lenin's description of War Communism as a "makeshift" response to "the war and the ruin," a necessary exercise in proletariat leadership of all society from bourgeoisie to peasantry, to guarantee the ultimate socialist victory."
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The United States and Russia, 2002.
Examines the evolution of the relationship between the United States and Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
19,500 words (approx. 78.0 pages), 89 sources, APA, AU$ 364.95
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Abstract
This paper describes in detail American relations with Russia in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, focusing on the "Gorbachev years" as the first stage of a multi-pronged analysis of an evolutionary American foreign policy. It provides some insight into how the Russian political situation has effected and may continue to effect the future of the relationship. It focuses primarily upon Russia itself and not upon American relations with the other fourteen states that have emerged since the collapse of the Soviet Union. As needed, however, and where the relationships with such states as Ukraine or Lithuania overlap with American involvement with Russia itself, these issues are addressed.
The first of the three sections of the paper demonstrates that while it may be true that some opportunities for a profitable mutual involvement have, in fact, been missed due to U.S. inaction or indecision or uncertainty, enormous opportunities remain available. The report draws upon literature to indicate how U.S. initiatives have been undertaken, their effects and the Russian response. A background analysis of the relationships of the U.S. and Soviet Union during the Cold War and America's own position as a hegemon are provided. The second section of the paper deals with the Yeltsin years and the final section with the current state of the United States/Russian relationship.
Subtitles:
The Collapse and the Gorbachev Years
Introduction
Background of the Relationship
The Collapse of the Soviet Union
The Yeltsin Regime
Overview
The Russian Situation Under Yeltsin
The Economic Issue
The Yeltsin Collapse Begins
Effects of Regionalism
Critical U.S. Policy Initiatives
The Current State of Affairs
The End of the Yeltsin Era
Putin
Future Directions of U.S. Policy
From the Paper
"Nevertheless, the world in the absence of the Soviet Union is not a world fully at peace. The Middle East and portions of Africa remained troubled and potentially explosive, requiring an American military and security response, perhaps via the continued U.S. participation in multilateral peacekeeping and other military activities of the United Nations. Containment, as a policy doctrine, remains critical in certain of these cases such as that presented by the Middle East. A long-term American policy of supporting those governments and/or movements most likely to in turn be supportive of democratic systems should be continued, regardless of the political orientation of the President and the Congress (Kennedy, 1987)."
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?The Battle of Potemkin?, 2002.
Discusses Sergei Eisenstein's 1925 film "The Battleship Potemkin".
755 words (approx. 3.0 pages), 1 source, MLA, AU$ 38.95
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Abstract
The paper reviews and analyzes Sergei Eisenstein's 1925 historical film, "The Battleship Potemkin" which tells the story of a revolution in 1905 which began with the revolt of the sailors on the Battleship Potemkin, in the Odessa harbour. The paper discusses the historical accuracy of the film and Eisenstein's filming techniques.
From the Paper
"The film also suggests that the soldiers of the tsar were especially brutal and that there was a long-standing conflict between the people and their rulers. This is most evident as the soldiers march down the Odessa steps, firing indiscriminately into the crowd of citizens, showing that the citizenry is thought of as completely subservient to the power structure and that the power structure in no way sees it necessary to respond to the desires of the people. This sequence is especially affecting as Eisenstein selects certain specific figures from the crowd and makes the viewer identify with them as they are shot by the almost faceless troops. Notable as well is the baby carriage drifting down the steps out of control, a symbol of the way the people are left to themselves in the danger zone that is their life in Russia. The mother is killed so that she can no longer protect her child, representing the future of Russia."
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International Ethnic Conflict, 2002.
This paper discusses that the United States and the international community should refrain from intervention into ethnic conflicts within sovereign nations except in the cases of extreme violence.
1,275 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 4 sources, APA, AU$ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper defines international ethnic conflicts as disputes between communities within a sovereign nation that see themselves as having distinct rights over the power relationship between these communities, such as in Bosnia. The author believes that such ethnic conflicts should be monitored to identify a point at which it appears peace is deteriorating; and, at that time, substantial diplomatic effort should be expended to prevent further deterioration. The author concludes that only in cases of extreme violence should the United States and the international community rely on a military intervention to end the conflict.
From the Paper
"The ambivalence in the American public's reaction to the international community's recent military intervention in Bosnia reveals a general ambivalence toward the use of military force where no tangible strategic interests are at risk. However, Milosevic did offer a tangible target against which the military force could be directed. The international community was able therefore to generate support against a common, identifiable enemy. Unfortunately, as Richard Betts points out, intervention in a civil war usually becomes an issue only when the sides are closely enough matched that neither can defeat the other quickly. Thus, in many cases, the international community may be unable to identify an enemy against whom they can rally support or they may be forced to wait until the situation deteriorates until choosing the better side becomes only a matter of degree. Unfortunately, the latter can often be the case in ethnic conflicts."
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The United States Peacetime Army, 2002.
This paper assesses the policies providing for the use of United States armed forces in peacekeeping, peacemaking and humanitarian operations.
4,390 words (approx. 17.6 pages), 14 sources, AU$ 168.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the roles and missions of the United States armed forces in peacetime and presents examples of MOOTW operations in Bosnia. The author concludes that the national strategy for engagement and enlargement is flawed from a foreign policy perspective. The author believes that policies should be developed and implemented that restrict the use of United States armed forces to deployments in conjunction with their primary missions unless all other options have failed.
Table of Contents
Introduction
Background
Issues Analysis
United States National Security
The Role of International Organizations
Human Rights
Regional Stability
Unilateral Versus Coalition
Policy Evaluation
National Interests
Costs
Risks
Military Readiness
Public Support in the United States
Conclusions
Recommendations
From the Paper
"There is little doubt that the international political order is changing, and that in the late summer of 1999 it is significantly different from what it was in the fall of 1989. It remains difficult, however, to predict with any degree of accuracy who the major players in the developing multipolar or unipolar environment will and will not be, and which, if any, of these players will be first among equals. Although as the only current superpower, the United States frequently behaves as if it is the first among equals. In spite of the difficulties being experienced by the national government in Russia, a great leap of faith is required to assume that a major international political role will be denied to a country with an armed force as formidable as Russia's army. While morale is low within the Russian military establishment and funding is short, it remains a force that cannot be ignored."
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A Study of Chechnya, 2002.
This paper traces the causes and effects of Chechnya's war of independence.
1,302 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 7 sources, MLA, AU$ 63.95
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Abstract
The writer argues that Chechnya is just one example of the fact that the old Soviet Union was never truly unified and instead kept the various provinces in line through sheer force. The paper looks at the history of the fall of the Soviet Union and the opportunity this gave the tiny Chechnya to fight for independence. The paper then gives details of the war and the ways in which the Chechyns have found success.
From the Paper
"Chechnya is about the size of Connecticut, with a population of 1.3 million people, making up less than one percent of the population of the Russian Federation from which it set out to secede. The war that stated there was seen from the firs as having the chance to deal a blow to the endangered and incipient democratic reforms in Russia (Church 116). Indeed, the debacle in Chechnya did cause a shift in the way other republics viewed Russia. In 1996 and 1997, most of the 89 regional governments in the Russian Federation held elections for governors. In the past, these positions had been filled by people appointed by Moscow, and a governor who disobeyed could be replaced by someone more obedient. Now, many of the regions elected governors who were independent-minded, and less than half of Moscow's hand-picked candidates won the 1996 elections. These new governors no longer fear Russia's military power precisely because Chechnya's small guerrilla army handed Russia such a humiliating defeat. This now means that he only power Moscow has left is that it controls the purse strings. This is problematic as well given that Russia's national treasury is nearly empty and that Moscow has been forced to cut its flow of money to the regions, further weakening the central government's control over the regions ("Russia--Republics")."
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