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2004 Nobel Peace Laureate Wangari Maathai, 2005.
This paper analyzes the speech of African leader Wangari Maathai accepting her 2004 Nobel Peace Laureate award.
2,125 words (approx. 8.5 pages), 4 sources, MLA, AU$ 106.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Wangari Maathai delivered a powerful speech to the audience of the Nobel Peace Laureate award, which appealed to the democratic inclination of her physical audience, expressed the desire for African power and freedom and drew on her childhood images of nature. The author points out that, while her speech was shifty and erratic in organization, her ability to cut to the heart of an issue and remind people of the actions required by the ideals for which they stand, achieved a clearly audible level of power in her lecture. The paper contends that, ultimately, she was able to overcome her basic problem of not being well known to her audience by highlighting the simplicity of her program and the universal ideals to which it appeals.
From the Paper
"Maathai addressed three groups in her speech; the first was physically present, the second was implied, and the third was global. At the ceremony itself was the award committee, a select group of Swedish elites employed by the Nobel Foundation and distributors of the award. Also in attendance were former winners like Elie Wiesel, Leon Ledermen, and Stanley Pruisner; members of high regard in the larger community were also there in celebration, including the President of the European Central Bank, the Chinese Minster of Science and Technology, and the Chancellor of the University of California at Santa Barbara. While the audience present at the lavish ceremony was the direct recipient of the speech, Maathai verbally directed much of her discourse on hope and the necessity of environmental and democratic resolve to those with whom she has worked and those who have benefited from it. Additionally, because the awards are covered so internationally, the speech was broadcast across the world, providing an international digital and media-conscious audience of which Maathai was aware."
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Obnoxious Negative Peace or Substantive and Positive Peace, 2005.
A look at two different perspectives of peace as understood and expressed by Martin Luther King.
675 words (approx. 2.7 pages), 3 sources, AU$ 42.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses obnoxious negative peace and substantive positive peace. These terms are found in a letter by Martin Luther King, Jr. expressing his opinion on direct action. Martin Luther King believed it was important to fight for substantive and positive peace for African Americans and it is important for Americans to continue to fight the battle for substantive and positive peace not only in America but throughout the world.
From the Paper
"Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere" (King 1963). What does this quotation mean? What is the difference obnoxious negative peace and substantive and positive peace? Why are these important today? These were important terms for Martin Luther King and they are important terms today. Martin Luther King believed that whatever affects one person actually affects every one else (King 1963). Many people living during the lifetime of Martin Luther King was willing to close their eyes to the violence and terrorism happening to African Americans. They believed that African Americans were wrong in taking a stand toward wanting their independence. Martin Luther King believed it was important to fight for substantive and positive peace for African Americans and it is important for Americans to continue to fight the battle for substantive and positive peace not only in America but throughout the world."
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Poetry of Peace and Pain, 2001.
A look at the writing of poetry as a way of turning pain into peace and hope.
700 words (approx. 2.8 pages), 0 sources, AU$ 39.95
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Abstract
This essay looks at people who have turned trauma and pain into a positive experience. It discusses the work of Mairead Corrigan Maguire who organised peaceful demonstrations in N.Ireland, wrote poetry that inspired millions and through her efforts to develop a "politics of mercy and forgiveness," won a Nobel Peace prize. The author goes on to discuss the wording of Martin Jordan?s poem ?The changes in our lives?.
From the paper:
" Everyone wants peace in his or her everyday live. Sometimes peace is hard to come by for some people. However, Some individuals react to their pain in a positive way. For example, Irish writers Mairead Maguire and Martin Jordan write poetry about peace due the tragedies for the world and in their lives. So, in Misread Maguire?s ?The Vision of Peace? and Martin Jordan?s ?the changes in our lives? the main goal is to remind everyone that there should be peace all over of the world despite all of the pain we encounter."
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The Peace Paradigm, 2004.
A discussion of the peace paradigm and its approach to obtaining peace.
4,520 words (approx. 18.1 pages), 27 sources, APA, AU$ 217.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the peace paradigm in terms of realism, power, conflict resolution, and social change. The paper explains the role of a paradigm, outlines the peace paradigm strategies used to obtain peace and presents a definition of power. Gives specific examples.
From the Paper
"One of the approaches to the peace paradigm is through the study of the role played in obtaining peace through the exercise of power and coercive tactics. According to Lynn-Jones realism is usually regarded as a dominant and somewhat monolithic approach in the study of international relations. Within the realist approach there are divisions between offensive and defensive realism. Offensive realists argue that the international system tends to foster conflict and aggression, that security is scarce and international competition and war..."
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Woodrow Wilson?s 14 Points and the Women's Peace Movement, 2003.
A comparative analysis of the principles of Woodrow Wilson's 14 Points and the resolutions of the Women?s Peace Movement.
1,047 words (approx. 4.2 pages), 3 sources, MLA, AU$ 58.95
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Abstract
The paper discusses how, in 1915, The Hague convention represented women from 22 different countries with the main focus of achieving peace. It examines how this process for peace was deemed feasible by a series of resolutions established by the Women?s Peace Congress and how these resolutions focused on many key ideas that the Women?s Peace Congress believed could create world peace. It demonstrates the irony of President Woodrow Wilson's refusal to lead the international mediation and how many of the principles established at the Women?s Peace Congress in The Hague, were echoed with the publication of Woodrow Wilson?s 14 Points, which earned him much international praise, three years later.
From the Paper
"The principle for autonomy of nations is demonstrated in both the 14 points and the Resolutions adopted at Hague as well. The Women?s Peace Congress was much broader as they simply stated, ?autonomy and a democratic parliament should not be refused to any people (Addams, 3).? Wilson singled out the exact countries, ?the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development.? Wilson also requested the autonomy of the peoples of Austria Hungary, Rumania, Serbia, Montenegro, and Poland. The Women?s Peace Congress simply expressed the belief that countries should be allowed autonomy, while Wilson?s 14 Points rather put them into play in the specific nations that he felt were most important."
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UN and Peace Maintenance, 2005.
Questions whether the UN has been successful in establishing and maintaining international peace and security. Uses examples of Rwanda and Iraq.
3,254 words (approx. 13.0 pages), 0 sources, APA, AU$ 150.95
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Abstract
The writer of this paper argues that the United Nations, although having achieved minor accomplishments in the area of maintenance of peace and security, can, generally speaking, not be considered a successful international organization. Instead, the United Nations has failed on a number of times throughout the past to maintain international peace and security. These failures were in situations where peace and security were reasonable outcomes. So, therefore, the UN is obviously not working to the best of its ability. To argue this point, the paper begins with an extensive analysis of the United Nations and its failures in the maintenance of international peace and security through two specific case studies, Rwanda, and most recently, Iraq. It then discusses the limited successes of the UN and examines the possible reasons for its overall failure to address the maintenance of international peace and security adequately and consistently. Finally, the writer briefly proposes possible reforms that the UN could adopt in order for the organization to operate more effectively in the international environment.
From the Paper
"The UN has many areas in which it could improve through reform. Due to the limited word count, I have chosen to not discuss this topic in too much depth. The areas of reform seem obvious from the problems I have mentioned previously. For the UN to succeed, the world community must match the demands made on the organisation by the resources given to it . Strong and sustained political support from Member States , rapid deployments of all peacekeeping and peacemaking troops with a robust force posture and sound peace-building strategies are all necessary in improving the UN. There have been a number of attempts at addressing the issue of reform. These include the Brahimi report, which was commissioned by the UN Secretary General to address the past weaknesses and failures of the UN with regard to peace and security and An Agenda for Peace, written by Boutros Boutros Ghali, the former Secretary General. Both reports recognised problems with the UN?s capacity to maintain world peace but many of the recommendations that were suggested were not implemented. In order for the UN to be successful in maintaining international peace and security, reforms have to not only be recognised, but also implemented."
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Laureate Education?s Mission, 2005.
A look at the successful transition of Laureate Education Inc. from a technology-enabled tutorial business for high school students to a full-fledged international online university.
1,931 words (approx. 7.7 pages), 6 sources, APA, AU$ 98.95
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Abstract
This paper describes the transition, acquisition, integration, and mission of Laureate Education Inc. The paper first explains Laureate Education's position that it is not a technology company, even though it uses the best technology to develop and deliver its product, namely, nontraditional, long-distance education. The paper then describes Laureate's goal as an educational institution that provides a seamless student experience from the time a prospective student inquires about a program until the time that he or she becomes an alumnus. The paper then looks at how Laureate has been able to achieve this goal by maintaining an exclusive focus on the customer while, at the same time, considering the organizational needs of the company. Finally, the paper covers Laureate's supply chain management system, since this was an important part of the successful evolution into a long-distance learning institution.
From the Paper
"In July of 2000, Sylvan Learning Systems acquired OnlineLearning.net, the first ?online? business purchased by Sylvan in what would become part of an acquisition strategy designed to develop an international university system with both online, traditional, and ?hybrid? programs. Previous to the acquisition of OnlineLearning.net, Sylvan had purchased several other businesses and universities with some experience in online technology, but none of them were exclusively focused in online education. All of the acquisitions bolstered Sylvan?s strength in non-traditional university education; the challenge would be integrating the right mix of marketing, technology, product development, and product delivery."
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Training for Peace Keeping, 2008.
A look at some of the training required to undertake peace and humanitarian operations.
3,695 words (approx. 14.8 pages), 9 sources, APA, AU$ 164.95
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Abstract
Terrorism has become embedded in almost everyone's vocabulary, it is one of those terms, that not everyone knows what it means, but it seems to be surrounded with negative connotations. However, it is not surprising that terrorism is sometimes abetted with state sponsorship and is supported by many governments whether intrinsically or extrinsically. As such international peace-keeping efforts have to change focus and address these internal dynamics. This paper explores some of the necessary mandates that are needed by personnel dealing with these issues.
Outline
Abstract
Introduction
Basic Communication, Conflict Resolution, & Negotiation
Communication: The Essential Element of a Successful Training Program in a Peace-Keeping Environment
Conflict Resolution & Negotiation in a Peace Keeping Environment
Techniques of Motivation in a Diverse Peace-Keeping Environment
Individual Decision-Making and Group Behavior
Leadership Training For Supervisors in these Organizations
Conclusion
From the Paper
"Conflict resolution and peace keeping has been an issue of controversy for many years. However, with the proper training mechanism and structure, then peace and humanitarian operations can be the champions of a successful organizational initiative. It is therefore imperative that there be a comprehensive discourse embedded in the training structure for these operations that can analyze elements of the foreign conflict resolution and negotiation strategies. The connection between an effective training program or structure with the overall success of conflict resolution and negotiations will depend primarily on how well the program identifies the necessary political, economic, and cultural realms that have been affected by the dimensions of the operations. Overall, it is clear that conflict resolution and negotiation policy training is reactive and preventative, since it would be devised to counter, and to prohibit actions that were seen as harmful to the peace initiatives."
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Wilson's Ability in Maintaining Peace, 2004.
A look at whether Woodrow Wilson possessed the will to maintain peace after WWI.
3,992 words (approx. 16.0 pages), 10 sources, MLA, AU$ 174.95
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Abstract
Woodrow Wilson did not possess the will to maintain peace after the Great War. The writer asserts that there were three ways in which Wilson contributed to the build-up of tensions before WWII. First was Wilson?s failure in responding to the members of the Peace Accords in relation to the redrawing of German boundaries; his influence in tearing away predominantly German areas resulted in the planting of seeds for future war. The second reason that Wilson could not maintain peace was his inability to remove himself from partisan politics in America. The third reason was in relation to Wilson's "Fourteen Points", more specifically, the point of ?self-determination.? Close examination of these three points shows why Wilson is partly responsible for WWII.
From the Paper
"The Great War was a war of attrition. Many brave men on all both sides of the conflict, Axis and Allied Powers, met their fate fighting for their homelands during the years of 1914-1918. Never before had the world seen such a horrid war fought in the grand scope and magnitude of nations versus nations. Great sacrifices were made in part to the loss of human life through mechanization of artillery to the inception of chemical warfare. (Would such a tragic lesson be reason enough for peace among sovereigns?) Unfortunately, the peace was not afforded to the constituents of the Paris conference, nor those that threw away their lives in the second war that shortly followed in 1939. While there were many causes for the Second World War, it would be a herculean effort to name and attribute them all. A few of the major causes included the onset of war reparations since repayment would be next to impossible for the Germans to meet in the allotted time. Secondly were the sanctions imposed upon the size of the German military which was considered a measure of further alienation, and thirdly were territorial settlement disputes. All three factors were great causes that angered the Nazis to disregard the Peace Accords in the early 1930?s with Hitler?s rise to power."
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Ireland Peace Talks, 2003.
This paper discusses President Clinton's involvement in the Ireland peace talks.
1,700 words (approx. 6.8 pages), 5 sources, MLA, AU$ 89.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that, against opposition both within the U.S. and in the countries involved in the Ireland conflict, President Clinton remained consistent and compelling in his assertion that a third party, the U.S., and a radically different approach towards peace was undeniably necessary in the Ireland Peace talks. The author points out that, during his term, he actively worked with British Prime Minister Tony Blair, convincing him finally to allow Sinn Fein leaders into the peace talks. The paper relates that Clinton's diplomacy was responsible only partially for the decline of terrorism in Ireland during the 1990's because, demographically, Ireland is tipping rapidly towards a Catholic majority, making attacks from the IRA and other Republican paramilitary groups far less frequent.
From the Paper
"President Bill Clinton became involved in 1993 after a winning presidential campaign pledging to help end the violence in Ireland. Against the past policy of the United States, Clinton stepped in, arguing primarily for the rights and demands of Catholics in Ireland. Behind the back and against the will of the British, "Rarely in the history of Anglo-American relations has the White House...supported Irish demands against Great Britain"4, he began organizing a series of peace talks, bringing together over the course of several years the leaders of Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State ('Southern Ireland'), and, countering the advice of the Irish Prime Minister, worked intensively on a network of compromises that would yield a cease-fire and eventually a level of peace between Northern Ireland, the Irish Free State and Britain."
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Middle East Peace, 2006.
This in-depth paper examines the Israeli - Palestinian conflict and the struggle of both nations to obtain a lasting and true peace.
4,700 words (approx. 18.8 pages), 24 sources, MLA, AU$ 195.95
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Abstract
This paper details the long and complex history of both the Palestinian and Israeli nations and the push for peace that was prompted largely by the desire of all nations involved in the process to end the wars that have plagued the Middle East since Israel's inception in 1948. This paper contains historic information on both countries as well as America's constant involvement in pushing for a true and lasting peace between Israel and Palestine.
Topics covered in this report include:
A Brief History
Peace in the 1990s
Bibliography
From the Paper
"The Palestinians, previously subjects of the Ottoman Empire, were faced with a crisis of identity. They had never before considered themselves "Palestinians" in a national sense, but the massive influx of Jewish settlers and the declaration of Zionist intentions to establish statehood provoked the formation of a somewhat frail Palestinian community whose identity was centered on geographical as well as cultural similarities. This community was fractured by political infighting and the distribution of its citizens in a rural context."
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The Oslo Peace Process, 2004.
An analysis of the failure of the Oslo peace process.
1,470 words (approx. 5.9 pages), 1 source, MLA, AU$ 78.95
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Abstract
This paper discusses the ongoing attempts at peace between the Palestinians and Israel. The paper examines the 1993 Oslo Accords that initiated the peace process. The paper presents a brief overview of the history between the two nations that led up to the historic signing of the Oslo Accords. The course of events since the signing of the agreement is outlined in the paper, with notation of the obstacles encountered each step of the way. The paper contends that the question of peace between Israel and the Palestinians remains unanswered.
From the Paper
"The Palestinians did not feel this was fair and in 1967, the Six Day War occurred. The Palestinians had planned to crush Israel with the help of other armies from Jordan, Egypt, etc. All did not go as planned and the Palestinians lost more than just the war. Israel gained control of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Earlier in the decade, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was created with Yasir Arafat as its leader. The PLO was a political and "paramilitary" organization of Palestinian Arabs dedicated to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Their intent was to replace Israel. In more recent years, its official goal has been redefined to conquer only the West Bank and Gaza Strip. There are certain parts of the organization that do not agree with the new definition and still wish to conquer all of Israel."
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Kant's "Perpetual Peace", 2004.
This paper discusses Kant's "Perpetual Peace" and war.
1,135 words (approx. 4.5 pages), 1 source, APA, AU$ 63.95
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Abstract
This paper explains that Kant states that a republican constitution, which by definition must be representative of a republic and the people existing within, must ultimately be concerned with the concept of perpetual peace; and, when a republican constitution is utilized, it must follow that, in order for war to be declared, the citizens of a nation must consent to this war. The author points out that Kant also argues in this passage however that the ?ultimate evil? of war is that it may not allow for peace at any point, because further war is spurned as a result of the debt that is often incurred from the act of war itself. The author believes that Kant?s argument should have been that the adoption of a republican constitution facilitates more motivation and tendency within a country toward perpetual peace and makes it more difficult to engage in war on a continuous basis without direct approval of the citizenry.
From the Paper
"The non-republican constitution thus thwarts all efforts toward perpetual peace. Perhaps here Kant is observing the frequency of war that is declared in nations and countries ruled by someone considered the nations ?owner?. True, in the sense that some countries are seen in a state of perpetual war rather than in a state of peace. However, even within countries that abide by a republican constitution, perpetual peace is hardly realized. The argument that such a constitution provides for peace is faulty. Even if the citizens of such a nation object to war, there is possibility in some situations that they will find themselves in the throes of war regardless."
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The Peace Corps, 1996.
An overview of how the Peace Corps came to being, and the group's role today.
3,475 words (approx. 13.9 pages), 9 sources, AU$ 156.95
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Abstract
This paper details the origins of the Peace Corps and its development. It looks at the key political figures who urged the association to be set up. It talks about the type of work the association does, the requirements volunteers have to meet, training methods and goals and the way the type of volunteers involved in the Peace Corps has changed over time.
From the Paper
"It was Wednesday, November 2, 1960. With election day less than a week away, more than one thousand five hundred enthusiastic democrats assembled at a $100.00 a plate dinner at San Francisco?s Sheraton Palace Hotel. Speaking to his uproarious supporters, who punctuated his every sentence with screams and cheers, candidate Kennedy called for the establishment of a pool of ?talented young men and women willing to serve their country? for three years as an alternative or as a supplement to peacetime selective service, well qualified through rigorous standards? to be ambassadors of peace.? That night in the raging melee of the Cow Palace in San Francisco, the American Peace Corps was born (Sullivan 13-15)."
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The Golan Heights, Syria and the Middle East Peace Process, 2002.
A discussion of the relationship between Israel and Syria over the Golan Heights and its effect on the Middle East peace process.
2,688 words (approx. 10.8 pages), 4 sources, MLA, AU$ 129.95
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Abstract
This paper examines the history of the conflict between Israel and Syria over the Golan Heights. Syria remains the one Arab neighbor that has never entered into formal negotiations with Israel. It looks at how Gaza and the West Bank have become subjects not only of negotiation but also of active peacemaking and how the Golan Heights alone has never been brought to the peace table, much less placed on it. It provides a brief description of the history and the geography of the Heights and the current situation and analyzes the prospects of any form of local peace in the near future.
From the Paper
"Yet for all these similarities, there is one profound difference: Assad has always been a "player" in Middle Eastern politics, while Saddam Hussein has never been. To some degree this can be explained by geography: Syria has a border with Israel and therefore must be integral to any overall Arab-Israeli settlement, whereas Iraq does not. However, that cannot be the only explanation; Iraq is an important regional power, and the Arab-Israeli issue is not the only game in the Middle East; there is also (among others) the Persian Gulf. The more fundamental reason is the nature and skills of the two men themselves. Both have a gift for staying in power, but Assad also has shown great talent at making himself an indispensable man: without his support no general Arab-Israeli peace can be established, but also without him no anti-Israeli front was viable."
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Peace Without Conquest, 2002.
An analysis of Lyndon Johnson's famous speech, "Peace Without Conquest", about America's involvement in Vietnam, in 1965.
1,748 words (approx. 7.0 pages), 1 source, MLA, AU$ 90.95
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Abstract
?Peace Without Conquest? was one of the most significant speeches of the 20th Century. It evoked the passions of Americans all over the country and cemented the nation?s commitment to the War in Vietnam. ?Peace Without Conquest? is Lyndon Johnson?s explanation of the American involvement in the war as a means to bring harmony to the region while avoiding occupation. This paper presents a reaction to the reasons why America engaged in battle in Vietnam. It specifically explores the legitimacy of Johnson?s assertions. The writer also explores whether Johnson?s assertions were sufficient to justify America's continued involvement. In addition, it considers what reasoning he failed to discuss that would have argued against America's involvement.
From the Paper
"In this statement, Johnson asserts that the ability to exist in a world where nations have the right to dictate their own lives is dependent upon America?s willingness to fight for this right. Johnson asserts that the only way to preserve freedom is to use force. This assertion seems accurate?there is a price to be paid for freedom. In addition, the argument that American freedom is only truly secure when other countries are also allowed to be free is also legitimate. History has proven that humanity is a continuum and that ?injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere?. In this section of Johnson?s speech it is clear that the war in Vietnam is viewed as a necessary agent. Johnson asserts that in some cases force must precede reason it is obvious that he believes that the war in Vietnam is one of those cases. The point that he makes in this section of the speech is legitimate and justifies our involvement in the war."
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